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An  Address  Delivered  Before  the 
American  Peace  Society 

by 
-'Hi am  Jay 


AN 


ADDRESS 


DELIVERED    BEFORE   THE 


AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY, 


AT   ITS   ANNUAL   MEETING,   MAT   26,  1845 


BY  WILLIAM  JAY. 


PUBLISHED    BY    REQUEST    OF   THE    SOCrSTT. 


BOSTON: 
AMERICAN    PEACE    SOCIETY 

Depository,  No.  22  Cornhill. 

1845. 


19 


ADDRESS. 


Gentlemen  of  the  Society: — 

Permit  me,  on  appearing  before  you,  in 

x  »  obedience  to  the  call  with  which  I  have  been  honored,  to 

^*  congratulate  you  on  the  encouragement  afforded  by  the  signs 

of  the  times,  for  perseverance  in  your  benevolent  and  Chris- 

^X  tian  labors.     There  was  a  season   within  the  recollection  of 

^»  many  now  present,  when  almost  the  whole  civilized   world 

^  was  one  vast  camp  ;  when  war  rolled  its  bloody  surges  from 

^k  the   pyramids  of  Egypt  to   the   Kremlin   of  Moscow ;   and 

i x    human  destruction  seemed  to  be  the  great  purpose  of  Chris- 

*\  tendom.     Our  own  country  became  at  last  involved  in  the 

r^   mighty  strife ;    and  it  may   be  safely  asserted,  that  in  the 

i   year  1813  there  was  scarcely  a  Christian  state  in  Europe  or 

^  America  that  was  not  employing  its  energies  and  resources 

v  in  the  work  of  misery,  desolation  and  death. 

T        For  the  last  thirty  years,  the  world  has  been  blessed  with 

""*    a  general  peace,  interrupted  only  by  a  few  brief  and  partial 

^    struggles.     Never,  probably,  within  an  equal  time,  have  the 

rt    arts  which   minister  to  human   comfort  advanced   with   such 

J    rapidity,  or  been  so  extensively  diffused.     In  vain  shall  we 

\J    search  the  annals  of  our  race  to  find  a  period  in  which  the 

426175 


necessaries  of  life  and  the  elements  of  learning  were  so  gen- 
erally enjoyed,  and  in  which  there  was  less  violence,  cruelty 
and  oppression,  than  at  the  present  day. 

Whatever  may  be  the  vices  and  sufferings  of  the  age  in 
which  we  live,  I  know  of  no  page  in  modern  or  ancient 
history,  which  the  philanthropist  and  the  Christian  can  con- 
template with  more  complacency  than  that  which  contains 
the  records  of  the  present  time. 

Various  causes  have  contributed  to  the  existing  pacific 
state  of  the  world.  The  extension  of  commerce,  and  the 
consequent  distribution  of  private  property  in  foreign  lands  ; 
the  rapidity  and  facility  of  intercourse  between  distant  coun- 
tries through  the  agency  of  steam  ;  the  growing  intelligence 
and  influence  of  the  popular  masses,  together  with  the  power 
of  the  press  in  modelling  and  directing  public  opinion,  have 
all  united  in  checking  a  belligerent  spirit.  But  beyond  all 
question,  the  labors  of  peace  societies  in  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States,  in  spreading  before  the  public  facts  and 
arguments  illustrating  the  cost,  folly  and  sinfulness  of  war, 
have  exerted  a  most  salutary  influence.  The  mere  statistics 
so  extensively  circulated  by  these  societies,  and  the  appeals 
which  they  have  made  to  the  several  sovereigns  of  Europe, 
have  excited  unwonted  attention,  and  have  tended  to  produce 
the  conviction,  now  so  generally  entertained,  that  war  is  a 
great  evil ;  and  this  conviction  has  been  followed  by  the 
inquiry,  whether  it  be  indeed  a  necessary  evil. 

But  although  these  societies  have  effected  much,  it  must, 
not  be  supposed  that  either  their  principles  or  their  object 
are  universally  approved.  War  has  still  its  champions,  and 
peace  societies  their  opponents.  Not  a  few  who  profess  to 
be  learned  in  human  nature,  speak  of  us  as  amiable  but  silly 
enthusiasts,  for  thinking  thai  the  career  of  rapine  and  ambi- 
tion may  be  checked  by  appeals  to  the  conscience  and  the 
understanding.     If  the   wisdom  of  this  world  be  folly  with 


God,  we  may  well  endure  the  reproach  of  not  making  it  the 
rule  of  our  conduct. 

From  a  far  different  quarter  comes  an  unfriendly  voice, 
warning  us  that  voluntary  associations  like  ours,  are  in 
contempt  of  the  authority  and  in  derogation  of  the  moral 
influence  of  the  Christian  church.  This  solemn  annunciation 
is  founded  on  the  assumption  that  the  church  is  the  grand 
instrument,  ordained  by  God,  for  the  regeneration  of  the 
world,  and  of  course  that  she  alone  is  authorized  to  devise 
and  control  the  agencies  which  may  be  employed  for  the 
promotion  of  morality  and  religion.  Hence  it  is  insisted  that 
peace  societies,  and  similar  associations  aiming  at  moral 
reform,  but  at  the  same  time  wholly  independent  of  ecclesi- 
astical authority,  are  guilty  of  usurping  the  prerogatives,  and 
contemning  the  jurisdiction  of  the  church.  The  offence  is 
moreover  aggravated,  when  the  association,  as  in  the  present 
instance,  is,  as  the  objector  asserts,  not  confined  to  members 
of  the  only  true  church,  but  embraces  within  its  bosom 
heretics  and  schismatics,  and  cordially  avails  itself  of  their 
co-operation.  The  charge  is  a  grave  one,  and  as  no  end, 
however  righteous,  can  justify  the  use  of  unlawful  means,  it 
is  a  most  legitimate  inquiry,  how  far  this  Society  is,  in  its 
constitution  and  character,  at  variance  with  the  will  of  God. 
The  objection  to  voluntary  and  miscellaneous  associations  is, 
it  is  believed,  universal  in  the  Romish  Church,  and  it  is  also 
made  by  no  small  number  of  Protestant  clergymen.  An 
inquiry  into  the  validity  of  this  objection  particularly  forces 
itself  upon  the  speaker,  inasmuch  as  it  is  urged  with  earnest- 
ness,  and    sometimes   with  asperity,*  by  a   portion   of  the 

*  The  spirit  manifested  towards  these  associations,  by  certain  individ- 
uals, professing  to  be  Protestant  Episcopalians,  may  be  seen  in  the 
editorials  and  communications  of  "The  Churchman,"  a  paper  edited 
by  a  Doctor  of  Divinity,  under  the  special  supervision,  and  enjoying  the 
declared  approbation  of  the  Rt.  Rev.  Benjamin  T.  Onderdonk,  of  New 


clergy  of  that  church  of  which  he  is  a  member.  Such  an 
inquiry  will,  moreover,  be  found  directly  subservient  to  our 
great  object,  by  showing  the  awful  delinquencies  of  the 
church  on  the  subject  of  war,  and  by  directing  the  attention 
of  her  members  to  the  duty  of  repentance  and  reformation. 

Whatever  may  be  the  theological  definition  of  the  term, 
church,  it  practically  means,  in  the  objection  we  are  consid- 
ering, the  clergy  themselves ;  and  the  argument  against  us, 
in  plain  English,  is  simply  this,  that  God  has  established  an 
order  of  men,  whose  exclusive  office  it  is,  by  the  use  of 
certain  means,  to  turn  mankind  from  sin  to  holiness ;  and 
that  all  associations  for  moral  and  religious  reforms,  of  which 
they  d©  not  form  an  essential  and  constituent  part,  and  over 
which  they  do  not  exercise  a  certain  control,  are  invasions  of 
their  prerogatives,  and  are  consequently  unlawful  and  schis- 
matic. 

None  will  question  either  the  right  or  the  duty  of  the 
clergy  to  urge  upon  their  hearers  the  great  doctrines  and 
principles  of  the  gospel ;  and  few  Protestants  will  question 
the  right  or  the  duty  of  those  hearers  to  apply  these  doctrines 
and  principles  to  their  own  conduct,  according  to  the  dictates 

York.  The  editor  (Dec.  28,  1844),  after  quoting  from  another  paper 
that  "  few  Episcopalians,  and  no  Roman  Catholics,  were  seen  among 
the  one  thousand  seven  hundred  delegates"  to  a  convention  at  Balti- 
more, for  promoting  the  ohservance  of  the  Sabbath,  exultingly  remarks, 
"  The  fact  stated  above,  though  a  small  matter,  seems  to  show  the 
growth  of  sound  principles  among  us.  Time  was,  when  such  a  con- 
vention would  have  had  more  than  a  few  Episcopalians  among  its 
ers;  and  yme  will  be,  we  hope,  when  all  our  people  will  be  as 
nit  in  regard  to  such  amalgamations  as  Roman  Catholics!" 
The  same  paper,  not  long  since,  contained  a  virulent  assault  upon  Bible 
Sikh  ties,  in  which  an  Episcopal  church  in  the  city  of  New  York  was 
1  to  have  been  "  ihostituted,"  because  its  pastor  had  preached 
in  it  a  sermon  in  behalf  of  the  New  York  Bible  Society.  Similar 
arrogance  of  invective  against  voluntary  associations  has  been  fre- 
quently exhibited  by  clergymen  of  the  Established  Church  in  England. 


of  their  judgment  and  conscience.  When  we  are  exhorted, 
in  the  language  of  Scripture,  to  "  do  good  unto  all  men,"  it 
becomes  us  to  devise  liberal  things  according  to  our  means 
and  opportunities.  Bat  I  have  not  yet  seen  the  commission 
constituting  the  clergy  our  almoners,  or  empowering  them  to 
dictate  the  nature  and  extent  of  our  benevolent  efforts.  Such 
a  commission  would,  in  a  great  measure,  destroy  all  moral 
obligation,  except  that  of  obedience  to  ecclesiastical  authority, 
and  would  be  at  variance  with  the  declaration  that  "  every 
one  of  us  shall  give  account  of  himself  to  God."  If  such  a 
commission  now  exists,  it  has  of  course  existed  from  the 
establishment  of  Christianity ;  and  hence  whatever  was 
required  of  our  ancestors  centuries  since,  may  be  rightfully 
required  of  us  at  the  present  day ;  whence  it  follows  that 
those  to  whom  this  commission  has  been  given,  must  in  all 
ages  be  infallible  guides.  If  this  be  admitted,  and  it  seems 
a  most  legitimate  conclusion,  the  unlawfulness,  not  merely  of 
our  association,  but  of  our  very  object,  is  settled  beyond  a 
cavil,  since  military  glory  and  the  profession  of  arms  have 
received  the  express  sanction,  warrant  and  approbation  of 
the  church,  through  the  greater  part  of  her  existence. 

That  men,  to  whom  is  committed  tlie  ministry  of  reconcil- 
iation, and  who  claim  to  be  the  chosen  and  especial  servants 
of  the  Prince  of  Peace,  should  themselves,  from  century  to 
century,  be  actively  employed  in  exciting  the  malignant 
passions  of  mankindj  in  cherishing  a  desire  for  martial  dis- 
tinction, and  in  visiting  upon  the  world  the  desolations  of  war, 
is  indeed  most  melancholy  and  mysterious.  Let  us  learn 
from  the  humiliating  fact,  the  deceitfulness  of  the  human 
heart. 

There  are  strong  historical  reasons  for  believing,  that  in 
the  primitive  church  war  was  for  a  while  regarded  as  forbid- 
den by  the  gospel,  and  that  Christians,  whether  clergy  or 
laity,  consequently  refused   to  bear  arms.     From  the  fourth 


8 

century,  however,  to  the  present  day,  Christians  have  been 
but  little  distinguished  from  heathens,  by  their  reluctance  to 
en<£a"-e  in  mortal  combat,  either  among  themselves  or  with 
others.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  church  has  taken  pains 
not  to  discourage,  but  to  foster  and  dignify  the  love  for  war. 
Of  the  truth  of  this  assertion,  chivalry  of  itself  affords  abun- 
dant proof.  This  was  an  institution  peculiarly  favored  by 
the  church.  Vigils,  prayers,  fasts  and  confessions  ordinarily 
formed  an  essential  part  of  the  ceremony  of  initiation  to 
knighthood.  Often  the  new-made  knight  was  conducted  in 
state  to  the  church,  where,  after  hearing  mass,  he  presented 
his  sword  to  the  bishop  or  priest,  by  whom  it  was  blessed 
and  consecrated.  Yet  these  religious  knights  were  constantly 
found  in  contending  armies,  cutting  each  other's  throats  with 
their  consecrated  swords. 

For  about  three  hundred  years,  the  popes  were  preaching 
crusades  for  the  recovery  of  our  Saviour's  sepulchre  at  Jeru- 
salem ;  and  probably  the  history  of  the  world  contains  no 
records  of  wars  more  wicked,  cruel  and  detestable,  than  those 
which  the  church  honored  with  the  epithet  of  "  Holy ! " 
These  wars  were  excited  and  applauded  by  popes,  councils, 
bishops,  and  indeed  by  the  whole  body  of  the  European 
clergy,  with  scarcely  an  individual  exception  out  of  the 
Greek  Church.  The  treasury  of  the  Vicar  of  Christ  was 
unlocked  to  bribe  Christians  to  slaughter  the  inhabitants  of 
Palestine.  "  Let  such  as  are  going  to  fight  for  Christianity," 
said  Urban  II,  addressing  a  vast  multitude,  "put  the  form  of 
the  cross  upon  their  garments,  that  they  may  outwardly 
demonstrate  the  love  arising  from  their  inward  faith;  enjoy- 
in-,  by  tin-  gift  of  God,  and  the  privilege  of  St.  Peter, 
absolution  from  all  their  crimes.  Let  this,  in  the  meantime, 
soothe  the  labors  of  the  journey,  satisfied  that  they  shall 
obtain  after  death  the  advantages  of  a  blessed  martyrdom. 
Those   w  ho   may    die,  will   enter  the  mansions   of  heaven, 


while  the  living  shall  behold  the  sepulchre  of  the  Lord.  Let 
every  one  mark  on  his  breast  or  back  the  sign  of  the  Lord's 
cross,  in  order  that  the  saying  may  be  fulfilled,  '  He  who 
takes  up  the  cross  and  follows  me,  is  worthy  of  me.'  "  * 

In  obedience  to  the  exhortations,  and  prompted  by  the 
promises  of  the  church,  literally  millions  set  off  for  the  con- 
quest of  the  Holy  Land,  first  marking  their  garments  with 
the  emblem  of  salvation.  The  assured  absolution  of  crimes 
seems  to  have  led  to  their  indefinite  multiplication.  Never 
before  or  since  has  Europe  witnessed  such  a  horde  of  plun- 
derers and  murderers  as  these  soldiers  of  the  cross.  The 
poet  and  the  novelist,  the  sculptor  and  the  painter,  have 
conspired  to  array  the  crusader  with  a  holy  zeal,  and  a  noble 
heroism ;  but  the  relentless  hand  of  the  faithful  historian 
tears  from  him  his  brilliant  disguises,  and  exhibits  him  as  a 
sanguinary  ruffian,  at  once  the  slave  of  superstition  and  of 
passion.  If  the  accounts  given  by  contemporary  writers,  of 
the  extreme  profligacy  of  the  great  mass  of  the  crusaders,  be 
entitled  to  credit,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  their 
veracity,  it  must  be  admitted,  however  humiliating  the  con- 
fession, that  in  morals,  humanity  and  good  faith,  the  Christian 
invaders  of  Syria  were  surpassed  by  its  Mohammedan 
defenders. 

It  is  difficult  to  form  even  an  estimate  of  the  destruction 
of  human  life  occasioned  by  these  terrific  wars.  History 
indeed  assures  us,  that  in  the  first  three  years  of  the  first 
crusade,  850,000  Christians  perished  by  famine,  pestilence 
and  the  sword.  But  the  contest  was  protracted  for  about 
two  hundred  years,  in  which  time  no  less  than  nine  great 
armaments  left  Europe,  bent  on  the  slaughter  of  the  Mussul- 
men,  and  the  recovery  of  the  sepulchre.     These  crusaders 

*  These  promises  of  absolution  and  of  the  glories  of  martyrdom  were 
renewed  to  the  crusaders  by  subsequent  popes. 


10 

were  accompanied  by  vast  numbers  of  the  clergy ;  nor  did 
bishops  hesitate  to  clothe  themselves  in  mail,  and  to  emulate 
the  knights  in  deeds  of  daring  and  of  blood.  Millions  of 
Christians  and  of  Saracens  were  sacrificed  in  these  insane 
wars,  while  the  church  was  continually  calling  for  more 
victims.  At  last  the  invaders  were  all  slain  or  driven  away. 
Not  a  Christian  in  arms  remained  in  Palestine ;  yet  even 
then,  the  pope,  learning  neither  wisdom  nor  humanity  from 
the  melancholy  experience  of  two  hundred  years,  called  for 
a  tenth  crusade.  Happily  the  call  met  with  no  response, 
the  Christians  of  Europe  refusing  to  renew  the  murderous 
strife,  even  at  the  command  of  the  head  of  the  church. 
Well  does  a  celebrated  historian  remark,  "  The  crusades 
retarded  the  march  of  civilization,  thickened  the  clouds  of 
ignorance  and  superstition,  and  encouraged  intolerance,  cru- 
elty and  fierceness.  Religion  lost  its  mildness  and  charity ; 
and  war  its  mitigating  qualities  of  honor  and  courtesy.  Such 
were  the  bitter  fruits  of  the  Holy  wars." 

These  same  wars  gave  rise  to  two  orders  of  military  friars  ; 
the  Knights  of  the  Temple,  and  the  Knights  of  St.  John, 
afterwards  known  as  the  Knights  of  Malta.  These  were 
peculiarly  the  soldiers  of  the  church.  They  assumed  various 
religious  vows,  devoted  themselves  to  war,  and  received  from 
popes  and  councils,  honors  and  privileges.  The  Knights  of 
Malta  at  one  time  took  the  diabolical  oath,  never  to  make 
peace  with  infidels. 

Centuries  have  rolled  away  since  the  crusades  terminated 
in  the  defeat  and  shame  of  Christendom,  and  yet  little 
advance  has  been  made  by  the  Church  of  Rome  towards 
the  principles  and  object  of  our  association.  At  the  present 
moment,  the  bishop  of  Rome  maintains  his  forts  and  army ; 
and  the  entrance  to  his  dwelling  is  guarded  by  soldiers. 

If  we  turn  to  the  Protestant  church,  we  shall  be  at  a  loss 
to   discover  wherein   it  differs   from   its  great  rival,  on  the 


11 

subject  of  war.  It  would  be  easy  to  show  that  its  clergy, 
without  exception  of  sect,  have  exerted  their  spiritual  influ- 
ence to  induce  the  people  of  their  charge  to  contend  in 
mortal  strife  with  their  fellow-men.  A  very  eminent  divine, 
and  the  president  of  one  of  our  colleges  before  the  revolution, 
preached  various  sermons  to  induce  his  countrymen  to  fight 
the  enemy.  A  single  quotation  will  suffice  to  show  his 
militant  spirit.  "  Virginians,  Christians,  Protestants !  if 
these  names  have  any  import  or  energy,  will  you  not  strike 
home  in  such  a  cause  ?  Yes,  this  view  of  the  matter  must 
fire  you  into  men.  Methinks  the  cowardly  soul  must  tremble, 
lest  the  imprecation  of  the  prophet  fall  upon  him,  l  Cursed 
be  the  man  that  keepeth  back  his  sword  from  blood.' ': 

During  our  last  contest  with  Great  Britain,  a  Presbyterian 
clergyman  preached  a  series  of  sermons  in  vindication  of  the 
war,  and  afterwards  published  them  in  a  volume.  During 
the  same  war,  the  pastor  of  a  New  England  parish  volun- 
teered with  a  portion  of  his  parishioners,  led  them  to  the 
camp,  and  fought  with  them  in  an  important  battle. 

While  we  gratefully  and  cheerfully  acknowledge  the  effi- 
cient services  of  our  reverend  fellow-laborers,  and  rejoice 
that  their  number  is  rapidly  increasing ;  it  must,  nevertheless, 
be  admitted,  that  the  folly  and  sinfulness  of  war  and  the 
inconsistency  of  military  ambition  with  the  spirit  of  Christi- 
anity, are  themes  rarely  discussed  in  our  pulpits. 

There  is  little  reason  to  hope  that  the  Church  of  England, 
great  and  powerful  as  she  is,  is  doing  the  work  of  peace 
societies.  In  her  liturgy  are  the  following  petitions  for  the 
queen  : — "  Strengthen  her  that  she  may  vanquish  and  over- 
come all  her  enemies."  "  Be  her  defender  and  keeper,  giv- 
ing her  the  victory  over  all  her  enemies."  Thus  does  the 
whole  church  unitedly  beseech  the  God  of  mercy  and  of 
justice  to  crown  the  British  arms  with  success  against  whom- 
soever they  may  be  turned,  and  without  any  regard  to  the 


12 

character  of  the  war  in  which  they  may  be  employed.  It  is 
to  the  credit  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  in  this 
country,  that  her  liturgy  contains  no  prayer  for  victory  over 
public  enemies,  but  only  for  deliverance  from  them.  It  is 
not,  however,  in  its  prayers  alone  that  the  English  Church 
displays  her  martial  spirit.  Statues  and  monuments  to  men, 
whose  sole  merit  was  their  courage  and  skill  in  battle,  adorn 
her  cathedrals,  while  standards,  captured  in  bloody  combat, 
are  suspended  from  the  walls.  In  this  respect  there  is  but 
little  difference  between  the  religion  of  Rome  and  of  Eng- 
land. In  a  church  in  France  about  one  hundred  flags,  the 
trophies  of  victory,  are  conspicuously  displayed. 

We  have  already  referred  to  the  former  practice  of  the 
Romish  clergy  of  consecrating  the  swords  of  the  knights.  A 
ceremony  equally  abhorrent  to  the  benign  principles  of  the 
gospel  of  Jesus  Christ  is  to  this  day  performed  by  certain  of 
the  English  clergy,  although  it  is  but  just  to  say,  without  the 
slightest  warrant  from  the  liturgy  or  canons  of  their  church. 
The  following  paragraph  appeared  not  long  since  in  an 
English  paper: — 

"The  Church  Militant. — An  important  addition  has 
been  lately  made  to  the  Salisbury  cathedral.  The  42d 
regiment  having  been  presented  with  new  colors,  gave  the 
old  ones  to  the  dean  and  chapter,  who,  taking  into  consider- 
ation the  reverence  due  to  two  flags  which  had  been 
consecrated,  have  caused  them  to  be  hung  up  in  the  choir, 
opposite  the  bishop's  throne,  in  a  convenient  spot,  it  is  said, 
for  intercepting  the  sun  from  his  lordship's  eyes  !  " 

The  present  of  two  consecrated  pieces  of  silk  or  bunting 
to  a  body  of  Protestant  clergymen,  the  acceptance  by  them 
of  the  strange,  if  not  insulting  gift,  and  the  deposit  of  it  in 
tin-  house  of  God,  is  indeed  a  piece  of  irreverent  foolery  that 
may  well  excite  the  ridicule  of  the  press.  Unhappily  this 
ungodly  practice  of  consecrating  flags  is  but  too  frequent  in 


13 

England.  The  London  Times  gives  the  speech  of  the 
Duke  of  Wellington,  on  presenting  a  new  stand  of  colors  to 
the  72d  regiment  of  Highlanders,  in  which  the  Duke  makes 
to  the  Scotch  Presbyterians  before  him  the  important 
announcement,  "  These  colors  have  been  consecrated  by  one 
of  the  highest  dignitaries  of  the  church  !  " 

These  consecrations  are  usually  preceded  by  an  address 
from  the  officiating  minister  in  vindication  of  war,  and  in 
commendation  of  military  glory.  So  late  as  September  last, 
the  venerable  Archdeacon  Musgrave  consecrated  the  fla^s  of 
the  Second  West  York  Yeomanry  regiment,  and  availed 
himself  of  the  opportunity  to  assail  the  sentiments  and  labors 
of  peace  societies.  But  perhaps  the  most  painful  of  all  the 
recent  consecrations  are  those  which  involve,  it  mi<dit  almost 
be  said  desecrate,  the  name  of  Wilberforce, — a  name  that 
recalls  one  of  the  most  lovely  and  perfect  illustrations  of 
Christianity  ever  exhibited  by  uninspired  man.  Twice  has 
a  dignitary  of  the  church,  bearing  this  beloved  name,  offici- 
ated in  the  consecration  of  military  flags  !  Once  for  the 
73d,  and  again  for  the  44th  regiments.  It  would  seem  that 
Archdeacon  Wilberforce,  not  being  able  to  find  a  prayer  for 
the  purpose  in  his  liturgy,  has  prepared  a  form  for  his  own 
use,  varying  it  only  as  to  the  names  of  the  countries  in  which 
the  regiments  he  addresses  have  been  employed  in  the  work 
of  human  destruction.  Thus  we  have  the  petition,  "  Be 
thou  in  the  midst  of  our  hosts,  as  thou  wast  in  the  plains  of 
India,  and  on  the  field  of  Waterloo."  On  another  occasion 
it  is,  "  Be  thou  in  the  midst  of  our  hosts,  as  thou  wast  with 
these  thy  servants  at  Badajos  and  Waterloo." 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  Archdeacon  did  not  give  us 
the  evidence  on  which  he  founds  his  solemn  and  positive 
assertion  of  the  Divine  presence  with  the  British  troops  at 
the  battles  of  Waterloo  and  Badajos,  and  at  their  various 
slaughters  in   India.     Is  the  evidence   to   be   found  in   the 


14 

victories  gained  by  these  troops  ?  Then  surely  the  Almighty 
was  equally  present  with  the  French  hosts  on  the  fields  of 
Marengo,  Jena  and  Austerlitz.  But  perhaps  the  speaker 
referred  to  the  preservation  of  the  survivors.  Then  is  God 
equally  present  with  every  soldier  of  every  nation  who 
returns  unscathed  from  the  field  of  battle.  We  are  assured 
that  the  Deity  was  present  with  the  British  soldiers  on  the 
plains  of  India.  Are  we  to  infer  from  this  his  approbation 
of  their  conduct  ?  One  of  these  occasions  of  the  Divine 
presence  is  thus  described  by  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley.  "I 
have  taken  and  destroyed  Dhoomiah's  baggage  and  six  guns, 
and  driven  into  the  Malpoorba,  where  there  were  drowned 
about  five  thousand  people.  I  stormed  Dummel  on  the  26th 
of  July.  Dhoomiah's  followers  are  quitting  him  apace,  as 
they  do  not  think  the  amusement  very  gratifying  at  the 
present  moment." 

How  far  the  character  of  the  warfare  waged  on  the  plains 
of  India  has  been  such  as  to  invite  the  favoring  presence  of 
Almighty  God,  we  will  not  inquire,  but  content  ourselves 
with  quoting  the  language  of  a  late  English  periodical. 
"  The  lust  of  gold  and  the  lust  of  power  might  be  inscribed 
on  every  flag  and  every  color  that  was  ever  carried  before 
our  embattled  hosts  in  that  land  of  untold  wrongs  and 
oppressions, — that  land  of  plunder  and  rapine." 

The  exact  formula  of  consecration  appears,  from  the 
Archdeacon's  published  prayers,  to  be  the  following :  "  Bless 
especially,  we  pray  thee,  these  thy  servants  (the  regiment)  ; 
guard  them  in  the  day  of  battle ;  and  may  these  banners, 
which  we  bless  and  consecrate  this  day,  lead  them  ever 
on  to  glorious  victory  ;  may  they  always  be  unfurled  in  the 
cause  of  truth  and  right,  for  our  queen  and  country,  and  our 
G 

There  has  been  much  discussion  of  late,  both  in  England 
and   the    United   States,  as   to   the   necessity   of  apostolical 


15 

succession,  to  the  validity  of  certain  ministerial  acts. 
Whether  the  power  of  consecrating  military  flags  is  one  of 
the  exclusive  prerogatives  claimed  by  those  who  insist  on 
their  descent  from  the  apostles,  is  a  question  which,  it  is 
believed,  has  not  been  mooted ;  probably  from  the  difficulty 
of  finding  a  precedent,  either  in  Scripture  or  the  primitive 
church. 

One  of  the  addresses  delivered  by  Archdeacon  Wilberforce 
previous  to  consecration  is  given  in  a  London  publication. 
The  ceremony,  it  seems,  took  place  in  "  an  innumerable 
assemblage  of  persons."  The  colors  were  presented  by 
Lady  Pakenham.  The  venerable  Archdeacon  commenced 
his  address  to  the  soldiers  by  saying  to  them,  "  You  are 
brought  here  in  the  presence  of  these  your  countrymen, 
under  the  eyes  of  distinguished  commanders,  to  receive  from 
the  fairest  among  us  the  new  colors  which  the  queen  com- 
mits to  your  keeping  ;  and  here  you  are  met  by  the  ministers 
of  Christ's  church,  by  the  special  servants  of  the  Prince  of 
Peace."  But  there  are  still  stranger  things  in  the  address. 
The  soldiers  are  told,  "  These  colors,  which  are  soon  to  float 
upon  the  breeze  which  echoes  with  your  martial  music, 
which  are  to  lead  you  to  victory  in  the  din  and  carnage  of 
the  battle-field,  now  lie  before  you  in  the  form  of  the  holy 
cross,  in  which  is  all  your  hope  of  salvation  !  !  "  The  sol- 
diers are,  moreover,  exhorted  in  the  following  wonderful 
strain  :  "  May  you  never  forget  that  you  are  Christian  men, 
in  thinking  yourselves  soldiers ;  but  remember  you  are, 
therefore,  soldiers,  because  you  are  most  truly  Christian 
men."  It  is  certainly  unexpected  information,  that  the  73d 
regiment  of  the  British  army  are  "  most  truly  Christian 
men,"  and  that  therefore  they  are  soldiers.  The  Duke  of 
Wellington,  who  is,  perhaps,  as  well  acquainted  with  the 
character  of  the  army  as  the  Archdeacon  himself,  entertains 
a  somewhat  different  opinion.     Some  years  since,  a  British 


16 

officer*  resigned  his  commission,  because  he  could  not  con- 
scientiously partake  in  the  military  honors  which  the  British 
soldiers  were  required,  from  motives  of  policy,  to  pay  to 
certain  idolatrous  rites.  His  Grace,  in  referring  to  the 
occurrence  in  the  House  of  Lords,  is  reported  to  have  said, 
that  the  officer  ".  did  right  to  resign,  and  that  men  who  have 
nice  notions  about  religion,  have  no  business  to  be  soldiers." 

We  have  still  a  fifth  instance  to  notice  of  this  solemn 
mummery,  more  surprising,  perhaps,  than  either  of  the  others, 
from  the  striking  inconsistency  of  the  act  with  the  general 
pious  and  exemplary  character  of  the  consecrator.  That 
Bishop  Sumner,  of  Winchester,  should  prostitute  his  high 
and  holy  office  by  consecrating  flags,  and  that  he  should  be 
so  dazzled  by  the  glare  of  military  glory  as  to  be  blind  to 
the  anti-Christian  tendency  of  some  of  his  sentiments,  affords 
painful  evidence  that  the  church  herself  has  yet  much  to 
learn  from  the  humble  and  often  despised  members  of  peace 
societies.  The  London  Times  contains  the  address  made 
by  the  Bishop  the  27th  of  last  August,  on  consecrating  the 
flags  of  the  49th  regiment,  just  returned  from  China. 

The  Bishop,  we  are  told,  "  came  upon  the  ground  attended 
by  a  number  of  the  clergy  of  the  diocese,"  and  before  the 
consecrating  prayer  delivered  an  address  to  the  soldiers. 
From  this  eulogy  on  military  glory,  we  can  afford  room  for 
only  one  extract.  "  I  may  bid  you  look  back  with  thank- 
fulness and  honest  exultation  on  laurels  won  in  Holland  and 
at  Copenhagen,  in  Quebec  and  China.  It  would  have  been 
heart-stirring  to  the  coldest  and  least  enthusiastic,  to  have 
heard  the  praises  of  those  your  last  exploits  in  China,  from 
the  lips  of  the  great  captain  of  the  age,  the  illustrious  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  British  armies,  when  in  his  place  in 
Parliament  he  moved  the  thanks  of  the  house  for  your  gallant 

*  Sir  Peregrine  Maitland,  it  is  believed. 


17 

deeds.     Those  were  praises   worth   living  and  worth   dying 
for !  " 

Nothing  in  the  melancholy  review  we  have  taken  of  the 
relation  borne  by  the  Christian  church  to  war,  is  so  startling 
and  revolting  as  this  most  extraordinary  address.  In  vain 
do  we  seek,  in  the  language  of  the  popes  to  the  crusaders, 
sentiments  more  abhorrent  to  Christianity.  The  soldiers  of 
the  cross  were  urged  to  sacrifice  their  own  lives  in  slaughter- 
ing  the  heathen  ;  but  then  the  self-immolation  was  to  be 
made  for  the  glory  of  God  and  the  salvation  of  their  own 
souls.  But  the  49th  regiment  are  not  only  taught  by  a 
Christian  bishop  to  exult  in  their  laurels,  but  arc  assured 
that  the  applause  of  Arthur,  Duke  of  Wellington,  is  an 
adequate  compensation  for  the  trials  and  sufferings  of  this 
life,  and  even  for  being  finally  shot  or  bayonetted  on  the 
field  of  battle  !     Surely  the  Bishop  forgot,  for  the  moment, 

"'Tis  not  the  whole  of  life  to  live, 
Nor  all  of  death  to  die." 

And  what,  we  may  ask,  invested  the  praise  of  the  Duke 
with  this  inestimable  value  ?  Did  the  applause  of  his  Grace 
necessarily  imply  the  Divine  approbation,  and  consequently 
a  promise  of  future  felicity,  the  language  of  the  Bishop  would 
be  intelligible.  Archdeacon  Wilberforce  indeed  assures  us 
that  the  soldiers  of  the  73d  are  "  most  truly  Christian  men  ;  " 
but  even  the  Bishop  himself  bears  no  testimony  to  the  piety, 
much  less  to  the  inspiration  of  the  iron  Duke.  The  eulogist 
of  the  49th  is  "  the  great  captain  of  the  age,  the  illustrious 
commander-in-chief  of  the  British  armies."  A  few  years 
since,  Napoleon  was  emphatically  the  great  captain  of  the 
age,  and  the  illustrious  commander-in-chief  of  most  of  the 
armies  of  Europe.  Will  the  Bishop  admit  that  the  praises 
of  the  French  emperor  were  worth  living  and  worth  dying 
for  ?     And  after  all,  what  were,  in   fact,  these  inestimable 


18 

praises  ?  Did  the  Duke  applaud  the  humility  and  holiness 
of  the  49th,  or  any  one  quality  commended  by  Christ  and 
his  apostles?  Alas!  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  of  any  topics 
of  this  eulogy  except  the  discipline  of  the  troops,  their  brave- 
ry in  exposing  their  own  lives,  and  their  skill  in  taking  the 
lives  of  the  Chinese.  Of  this  skill,  Captain  Bingham  gives 
us' the  following  specimen  in  his  account  of  the  capture  of 
Ningpo :  "  On  the  Chinese  penetrating  to  the  market-place, 
in  the  centre  of  the  city,  they  were  received  by  a  heavy 
fire  from  our  troops.  This  sudden  check  so  damped  their 
ardor  that  their  only  object  appeared  to  be  to  get  out  of  the 
city  as  fast  as  possible ;  in  doing  which,  they  were  crowded 
in  dense  masses  in  the  narrow  streets.  The  artillery  now 
coming  up  within  one  hundred  yards  of  the  crowded  fugi- 
tives, poured  in  a  destructive  fire  of  grape  and  canister.  So 
awful  was  the  destruction  of  human  life,  that  the  bodies  were 
obliged  to  be  removed  to  the  sides  of  the  street,  to  allow  the 
guns  to  advance  ;  and  the  pursuit  was  followed  up  by  the 
artillery  and  the  49th  regiment  (the  very  men  addressed  by 
the  Bishop)  for  miles."  In  this  massacre  of  flying  and 
unresisting  men,  nine  thousand  Chinese  were  slaughtered. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  pursue  our  inquiry  farther.  Surely 
the  view  we  have  taken  of  the  conduct  of  the  church,  both 
in  ancient  and  modern  times,  in  promoting  war,  and  stimu- 
lating the  thirst  for  military  glory,  affords  a  most  abundant 
justification  to  the  friends  of  peace,  for  not  dissolving  their 
amalgamation  societies,  and  abandoning  their  cause  to  the 
exclusive  guardianship  of  the  clergy. 

It  is  very  far  from  my  intention  to  impeach  the  piety  or 
sincerity  of  those  who  differ  from  us  in  our  views  of  the 
religious  and  political  evils  of  war.  But  it  is  right  and  wise 
to  know  the  obstacles  which  oppose  our  progress,  that  we 
take  the  proper  measures  for  removing  them.  It  is  not 
uncommon  for  those  who  are  engaged  in  the  enunciation  of 


19 

great  principles,  to  fail  in  the  application  of  them  to  the 
common  duties  and  occurrences  of  life.  This  remark  is 
daily  illustrated  in  the  conduct  of  politicians ;  and  even  the 
clergy  themselves  afford  instances  of  its  truth.  Few  men,  I 
am  persuaded,  dwell  with  more  unaffected  earnestness  on 
that  universal  charity  required  by  the  gospel ;  on  that  broken, 
humble  spirit  which  is,  in  the  sight  of  God,  of  great  price ; 
or  on  the  utter  worthlessness  of  earthly  splendor  and  human 
applause,  than  the  excellent  Bishop  of  Winchester.  Yet 
the  prejudices  of  education  and  the  force  of  custom,  and, 
above  all,  the  want  of  reflection,  led  him,  in  his  unhappy 
address,  to  set  at  naught  the  very  precepts  he  inculcates 
from  the  pulpit. 

In  our  pursuit  of  objects  which  we  believe  are  sanctioned 
by  the  will  of  God,  and  demanded  by  the  well-being  of  our 
race,  we  ought  not  to  be  turned  aside  by  the  mere  example 
of  others,  however  eminent  for  rank  or  for  virtue.  The 
church  will  be,  as  she  already  has  been,  a  mighty  instrument 
in  the  moral  regeneration  of  the  world  ;  and  she  is  to  be 
strengthened  for  the  work,  not  by  a  blind  submission  to  her 
authority,  but  by  the  invigorating  influence  of  Christian  vigi- 
lance on  the  part  of  her  members. 

Having  exhibited  the  malign  influence  which  the  church 
has  exerted  on  the  cause  of  peace,  it  may  be  useful  as  well 
as  gratifying  to  adduce  the  testimony  borne  in  its  behalf  by 
some  distinguished  laymen.  This  testimony  is  very  ample, 
but  we  have  room  for  only  a  few  brief  specimens. 

Sir  Walter  Raleigh  confesses  that  "  there  is  no  pro- 
fession so  unprosperous  as  men  of  war.  Besides  the  envy 
and  jealousy  of  men,  the  spoils,  rapes,  famines,  slaughter  of 
the  innocent,  devastation  and  burnings,  with  a  world  of 
miseries  laid  on  the  laboring  man,  they  are  so  hateful  to 
God,   as   with    good   reason    did  Monluc,  the    Marshal  of 


20 

France,  confess,  'that  were  not  the  mercies  of  God  infinite 
and  without  restriction,  it  were  in  vain  for  those  of  his  pro- 
fession to  hope  for  any  portion  of  them,  seeing  the  cruelties 
by  them  permitted  and  committed  are  also  infinite.' ': 

"  War,"  said  the  sagacious  Lord  Burleigh,  "  is  the 
curse,  and  peace  the  blessing,  of  a  country.  A  realm  gaineth 
more  by  one  year's  peace,  than  by  ten  years'  war." 

Lord  Clarendon  wrote  fully  and  strongly  against  war. 
He  remarks,  "A  whole  city  on  fire  is  a  spectacle  full  of 
horror,  but  a  whole  kingdom  on  fire  must  be  a  prospect  more 
terrible  ;  and  such  is  every  kingdom  in  war,  where  nothing 
flourishes,  but  rapine,  blood  and  murder.  We  cannot  make 
a  more  lively  representation  and  emblem  to  ourselves  of  hell, 
than  by  the  view  of  a  kingdom  in  war. 

"  War  breaks  all  that  order,  interrupts  all  that  devotion, 
and  extinguishes  all  that  zeal,  which  peace  had  kindled  in 
us.  It  lays  waste  the  dwelling-place  of  God  as  well  as  of 
man,  and  introduces  opinions  and  practices  as  much  against 
heaven,  as  against  earth,  and  erects  a  Deity  that  desires 
nothing  but  cruelty  and  blood. 

"It  may  be,  upon  a  strict  survey  and  disquisition  into  the 
nts  and  injunctions  of  the  Christian  religion,  that  no 
war  will  be  found  justifiable." 

Neckar,  in  his  work  on  the  French  finances,  alluding  to 
war,  exclaims,  "With  what  impatience  have  I  wished  to 
discuss  this  subject !  How  irresistibly  has  my  heart  been 
led  to  expatiate  on  the  evils  which  are  ever  attendant  on  this 
terrible  calamity!  War,  alas,  impedes  the  course  of  every 
exhausts  the  sources  of  prosperity,  and  diverts 
the  attention  of  governors  from  the  happiness  of  nations.  In 
a  word,  instead  of  gentle  and  benevolent  feelings,  it  substi- 


21 

tutes  hostility  and  hatred,  the  necessity  of  oppression,  and 
the  rage  of  desolation.  What  must  be  our  impression,  if  we 
add  to  the  waste  of  property  the  calamities  inseparable  from 
war,  and  endeavor  to  form  an  estimate  of  the  lives  and 
sufferings  of  men  !  " 

Our  own  Washington,  in  his  correspondence,  remarks, 
"  How  much  more  delightful  to  an  undebauched  mind  is  the 
task  of  making  improvements  on  the  earth,  than  all  the  vain- 
glory which  can  be  acquired  by  ravaging  it  by  the  most 
uninterrupted  career  of  conquests.  For  the  sake  of  humanity 
it  is  devoutly  to  be  wished,  that  the  manly  employments  of 
agriculture,  and  the  harmonizing  effects  of  commerce,  should 
supersede  the  waste  of  war  and  the  ravages  of  conquest ; 
that  swords  may  be  turned  into  plough-shares,  and  spears 
into  pruning-hooks,  as  the  Scriptures  express  it,  and  the 
nations  learn  war  no  more." 

Franklin,  writing  to  a  friend  in  Europe,  says,  "  How 
many  excellent  things  might  have  been  done  to  promote  the 
internal  welfare  of  each  country  ;  what  bridges,  roads,  canals 
and  other  useful  works,  tending  to  the  common  felicity, 
might  have  been  made  and  established  with  the  money  and 
men  foolishly  spent  in  the  last  seven  years,  by  our  mad 
wars,  in  doing  one  another  mischief.  You  are  near  neigh- 
bors, and  each  has  very  respectable  qualities.  You  are  all 
Christians ;  one  is  the  most  Christian  king,  the  other,  defend- 
er of  the  faith.  Manifest  the  propriety  of  these  titles  by  your 
future  conduct.  By  this,  says  Christ,  shall  all  men  know 
ye  are  my  disciples,  if  ye  love  one  another ;  seek  peace  and 
ensue  it." 

Louis  Buonaparte,  nursed  amid  the  din  of  arms,  and 
indebted  to  conquest  for  the  crown  of  Holland,  thus  wrote : 


22 

"  I  have  been  as  enthusiastic  and  joyful  as  any  one  after 
victory ;  but  I  confess  that  even  then  the  sight  of  a  field  of 
battle  not  only  struck  me  with  horror,  but  even  turned  me 
sick.  And  now  that  I  am  advanced  in  life,  I  cannot  under- 
stand, any  more  than  I  could  at  fifteen  years  of  age,  how 
beings,  who  call  themselves  reasonable,  and  who  have  so 
much  foresight,  can  employ  this  short  existence,  not  in  loving 
and  aiding  each  other,  and  passing  through  it  as  gently  as 
possible,  but  in  striving,  on  the  contrary,  to  destroy  each 
other,  as  though  time  did  not  do  this  with  sufficient  rapidity." 

Lord  Brougham,  in  one  of  his  speeches  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  exclaimed,  "  I  abominate  war  as  unchristian.  I  hold 
it  the  greatest  of  human  crimes.  I  deem  it  to  involve  all 
others,  violence,  blood,  rapine,  fraud,  every  thing  that  can 
deform  the  character,  alter  the  nature,  and  debase  the  name 
of  man." 

George  Canning,  while  prime  minister  of  England,  made 
the  following  remarkable  declaration  in  a  speech  on  the 
importance  of  preserving  peace :  "  In  the  whole  history  of 
wars  between  European  powers,  who  ever  heard  of  a  war 
between  two  great  nations  having  been  ended  by  obtaining 
the  exact  identical  object  for  which  the  war  was  begun  ?  I 
believe  that  in  the  whole  history  of  Europe,  such  an  instance 
cannot  be  found." 

But  perhaps  the  most  cheering  and  important  testimony  in 
favor  of  peace  that  modern  times  afford,  is  that  given  by 
the  present  wise  and  experienced  ruler  of  France.  In  1843, 
a  deputation  from  the  London  Peace  Convention  waited  on 
the  king,  in  Paris,  to  recommend  the  insertion  of  a  clause  in 
all  the  treaties  he  might  hereafter  make,  providing  for  the 
submission  to  arbitration  of  any  disputes  which  might  subse- 


23 

quently  arise  between  the  contracting  parties.  Far  from 
treating  this  recommendation  by  foreigners  as  an  improper 
interference  with  his  prerogatives,  or  with  the  affairs  of  the 
French  nation,  he  received  the  deputation  with  great  kind- 
ness and  courtesy.  He  assured  them  "  he  had  ever  been 
pleased  when  arbitration  was  resorted  to,  as  in  the  case 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  and  between  Eng- 
land and  America.  He  said  he  confidently  believed  the 
time  would  come  when  such  references  would  be  general, 
and  when  war  would  be  universally  banished  from  among 
civilized  nations.  That  the  sentiment,  or  rather  the  princi- 
ple, that  in  peace  you  must  prepare  for  war,  was  one  of 
difficulty  and  danger ;  for  while  we  kept  armies  on  hand  to 
preserve  peace,  they  are,  at  the  same  time,  incentives  and 
instruments  of  war.  He  rejoiced  in  all  efforts  made  to  pre- 
serve peace,  for  that  was  what  all  need.  He  thought  the 
time  was  coming  when  we  shall  get  rid  of  war  entirely  in  all 
civilized  countries.  They  are  beginning  to  learn  more  wis- 
dom, and,  thank  God,  war  now  costs  too  much  for  nations 
to  afford  it." 

To  Louis  Philippe  may  probably  be  ascribed  the  honor 
of  being  the  first  occupant  of  a  throne,  who  ever  coni 
that  peace  was  endangered  by  preparation  for  war.  The 
hoary  maxim  disclaimed  by  the  French  king  is  branded  with 
falsehood  by  the  testimony  of  all  history,  and  by  the  experi- 
ence of  every-day  life.  The  strongest  nations  have  univer- 
sally been  the  most  belligerent,  while  the  feebler  ones  have 
enjoyed  the  longest  and  most  frequent  exemptions  from  the 
calamities  of  war.  The  same  principle  applies  with  equal 
uniformity  to  individuals  as  to  nations.  The  expert  swords- 
man, the  practised  marksman,  is  ever  more  ready  to  engage 
in  personal  combats,  than  the  man  who  is  unaccustomed  to 
the  use  of  deadly  weapons.     In  those  portions  of  our  country 


24 

where  it  is  supposed  essential  to  personal  safety  to  go  armed 
with  pistols  and  bowie-knives,  mortal  affrays  are  so  frequent 
as  to  excite  but  little  attention,  and  to  secure,  with  exceed- 
ingly rare  exceptions,  perfect  impunity  to  the  murderer. 
Whereas  at  the  north  and  east,  where  we  are  unprovided 
with  such  facilities  for  taking  life,  comparatively  few  murders 
of  the  kind  are  perpetrated.  We  might,  indeed,  safely 
submit  the  decision  of  the  principle  we  are  discussing  to  the 
calculations  of  pecuniary  interest.  Let  two  men,  equal  in 
age  and  health,  apply  for  an  insurance  on  their  lives.  One, 
known  to  be  ever  armed  to  defend  his  honor  and  his  life 
against  every  assailant ;  and  the  other,  a  meek,  unresisting 
Quaker.  Can  we  doubt  for  a  moment  which  of  these  men 
would  be  deemed  by  an  insurance  company  most  likely  to 
reach  a  good  old  age? 

But  in  defiance  of  reason  and  experience,  the  maxim,  that 
to  preserve  peace  we  must  be  prepared  for  war,  has  taken 
such  a  strong  hold  on  the  minds,  not  merely  of  kings  and 
rulers,  but  even  of  the  mass  of  the  people,  whether  in  mon- 
archies or  republics,  that  no  burdens  are  so  cheerfully  borne 
as  those  which,  in  time  of  peace,  are  imposed  for  the  purpose 
of  preparing  for  future  wars. 

The  fortifications  around  Paris  forcibly  illustrate  this 
remark.  A  few  years  since,  several  of  the  European  powers 
determined  to  interfere  between  the  Ottoman  Porte  and  the 
Pasha  of  Egypt,  to  arrest  the  victorious  but  desolating  pro- 
gress of  the  latter.  France,  although  invited,  declined  to 
become  a  party  to  the  treaty  of  intervention,  and  these 
powers  proceeded  to  act  without  her  co-operation.  Certain 
demagogue  availed  themselves  of  this  occasion  to  bring  their 
patriotism  to  market.  A  war-cry  was  raised.  The  honor 
of  France  was  insulted,  and  an  alliance  forming  against  her 
independence.  Already,  in  imagination,  her  soil  was  pollut- 
ed  by   the  presence  of  hostile  armies,  advancing  upon  her 


25 

beautiful  capital.  A  shout  arose  that  Paris  must  be  fortified. 
The  Chambers  bowed  to  the  popular  will,  and  prodigious 
appropriations  were  voted.  The  people  who  had  joined  in 
the  clamor  were  rewarded  for  their  pains  by  an  increase  of 
their  taxes,  and  their  leaders,  soon  after,  with  the  loss  of 
both  office  and  public  confidence. 

These  fortifications  have  been  ascribed,  but  very  errone- 
ously it  is  believed,  to  a  desire  on  the  part  of  Louis  Philippe 
to  overawe  Paris.  He  did  not  ask  for,  although  he  did  not 
oppose  their  construction.  The  vast  sums  expended  on 
them  necessarily  increases  the  patronage  of  the  crown,  and 
affords  employment  to  a  numerous  and  rather  dangerous 
population.  The  demand  for  these  works  came  from  the 
popular  leaders,  and  hence  while  the  government  reaps  the 
advantage,  it  avoids  the  odium  of  the  lavish  expenditures 
they  occasion.  The  fortifications  consist  of  a  belt  of  masonry 
surrounding  the  whole  city,  but  at  some  distance  from  it,  and 
about  thirty-five  miles  in  circumference ;  while  on  the  out- 
side of  the  wall  will  be  a  wide  ditch  filled  with  water.  Still 
beyond  this  belt  is  a  circle  of  fourteen  detached  forts.  These 
works  are,  to  all  appearance,  utterly  incapable  of  being  used 
against  Paris,  and  should,  unhappily,  the  experiment  ever  be 
made,  they  will  probably  be  found  no  less  inefficient  for  its 
protection. 

In  the  present  state  of  European  politics,  and  with  the 
publicity  now  given  to  the  intentions  and  movements  of 
governments,  it  is  wholly  impossible  that  Paris  should  be 
assaulted  in  a  sudden  and  unexpected  foray  from  any  of  the 
adjoining  states.  No  hostile  army  will  be  permitted  to 
approach  the  capital  until  after  France  is  a  conquered  coun- 
try ;  and  it  is  futile  to  suppose  that  a  victorious  army,  having 
driven  from  the  field  the  defenders  of  the  kingdom,  will  be 
unable  to  effect  a  breach  in  a  wall  thirty-five  miles  in  extent. 
On  the  whole,  the  fortifications  of  Paris  are  a  reproach  to 


26 

the  liberal  and  enlightened  spirit  of  the  age,  and  afford  a 
mortifying  proof  of  the  influence  of  demagogues,  operating 
upon  popular  folly  and  delusion. 

It  is  scarcely  possible  for  mere  description  to  give  any 
adequate  idea  of  the  amazing  amount  of  labor  and  treasure 
wasted  in  the  Old  World,  on  works  of  defence.  At  Gibral- 
tar rises  a  lofty  mountain  of  rock.  Around  its  base  is  a 
series  of  fortifications,  constructed  of  masonry.  The  interior 
is  chiselled  into  numerous  galleries  and  spacious  chambers ; 
and  its  surface,  to  a  great  altitude,  bristles  with  cannon, 
protruding  from  within.  This  rock,  standing  almost  entirely 
in  the  water,  and  connected  with  the  main  by  a  low,  narrow 
neck,  is  unassailable  by  land ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  it 
might  bid  defiance  to  the  combined  navies  of  the  world. 
Napoleon,  with  the  resources  of  the  continent  at  his  com- 
mand, avoided  the  rashness  of  attempting  to  wrest  this 
important  fortress  from  his  enemy.  Yet  England,  faithful  to 
the  maxim  of  preparing  for  war  in  time  of  peace,  is  even 
now  yearly  lavishing  thousands  in  adding  new  defences  to 
this  impregnable  rock. 

The  island  of  Malta  attests  the  tyranny,  pride  and  folly  of 
its  ecclesiastical  knights,  who  devoted  themselves  to  the 
defence  of  Christianity,  by  killing  its  enemies.  In  viewing 
the  fortifications  of  this  little  island,  it  is  painful  to  reflect  on 
the  cruel  despotism  which  enforced  such  a  tremendous 
misapplication  of  human  industry.  Probably  no  spot  on 
earth,  of  equal  dimensions,  is  so  burthened  with  walls,  and 
towers,  and  castles,  and  ditches,  and  covered  ways,  and 
fortified  gates.  The  labor  expended  in  these  stupendous 
works  would  have  built  a  city  of  no  mean  size.  And  all  for 
what'  purpose  ?  To  gratify  the  pride  of  a  handful  of  military 
friars,  and  to  protect  them  from  the  Turks,  with  whom  they 
had  sworn  never  to  make  peace.  Yet  in  spite  of  these 
enormous  and  multiplied  defences,  the  island  was  taken   by 


27 

Napoleon,  when  on  his  way  to  Egypt.  The  French  garri- 
son left  by  him,  soon  after  experienced  the  truth  of  the 
proverb,  that  hunger  will  break  through  stone  walls,  being 
starved  into  a  surrender  by  the  blockade  of  a  few  English 
frigates. 

While  the  military  works  of  Malta  proclaim  the  power 
and  oppression  of  the  knights,  their  massive  and  splendid 
palaces,  and  gorgeous  churches,  bear  witness  to  the  wealth 
and  luxury  of  these  soldiers  of  the  church,  on  whom  rested 
the  vow  of  poverty.  Let  us  be  thankful  for  the  extinction 
of  the  order ;  and  let  us  pray  that  the  church  of  Christ  may 
never  bestow  her  applause  on  men  who  adopt  the  trade  of 
blood,  through  a  professed  zeal  for  her  service. 

If  we  take  a  survey  of  Europe  at  the  present  day,  we 
cannot  but  be  struck  with  the  vast  advantages  she  has 
derived  from  the  long  peace  with  which  she  has  been 
favored.  War  cements  and  concentrates  power,  while  peace 
is  ever  favorable  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  many. 
The  cause  of  freedom  in  Europe  has  advanced  since  the  fall 
of  Aapoleon;  while  institutions  and  improvements  conducive 
to  the  comfort  of  the  people  have  made  great  progress.  It 
is,  however,  painful  to  reflect  that  this  blessed  season  of 
peace  is  so  universally  employed  in  preparing  for  war. 

Prussia  has  adopted  a  system  by  which  the  whole  male 
population  is  to  be  converted  into  soldiers.  Every  man, 
between  twenty  and  twenty-five  years  of  age,  whatever  be 
his  rank  or  condition  in  life,  is  compelled  to  serve  for  three 
successive  years  in  the  army,  and  from  his  twenty-sixth  to 
his  thirty-second  year,  he  is  called  out  for  exercise  and  field 
manoeuvres  fourteen  days  in  each  year.  By  this  system, 
every  man  is  withdrawn  for  upwards  of  three  years  from  his 
business  and  family,  and  exposed  to  the  hardships  and 
temptations  of  a  soldier's  life.  Were  such  a  levy  of  men 
demanded  for  the  construction  of  roads,  canals,  or   other 


28 

useful  works,  the  nation  would  rise  in  rebellion  against  such 
abominable  and  insufferable  tyranny ;  but  as  all  this  time  is 
merely  devoted  to  tuition  in  the  art  of  human  destruction, 
the  sacrifice  is  willingly  made,  and  the  government  that 
exacts  it  is  extolled  for  its  wisdom  and  patriotism.  The 
military  preparations  of  Prussia  are  said  to  cost  about  forty- 
four  per  cent,  of  the  total  expenditure  of  the  crown. 

The  peace  establishment  of  Austria  is  estimated,  by 
European  writers,  as  absorbing  about  thirty-three  per  cent,  of 
the  revenues  of  the  empire. 

The  following  facts  are  gleaned  from  a  late  English  statis- 
tical work : — * 

For  the  six  years  ending  with  1836,  the  average 
expenditure  of  the  British  government,  exclu- 
sive of  payments  for  interest  on  the  national 
debt,  was £17,101,508 

Of  this  sum,  there  was  paid,  on  an  average,  for 

the  army,  navy  and  ordinance,    -  12,714,289 

Leaving  an  average  annual  expenditure,  for  civil 

purposes,  of  only       -----     4,387,219 

It  thus  appears,  that  the  payments  for  military  prepara- 
tions, for  this  period,  are  no  less  than  seventy-four  per  cent, 
of  the  current  expenses  of  the  British  kingdom. 

During  the  same  six  years,  the  average  annual 
expenditure  of  the  French  government,  exclu- 
sive of  payments  for  interest  on  the  national 
debt,  was         -----         £37,044,251 

Of  this   was   paid   for   military  purposes,  on  an 

average,-         ------  14,271,352 

Leaving  an  annual  average  expenditure,  for  civil 

purposes,  of 22,772,899 

'  I '"iter's  Progress  of  the  Nation.     Vol.  II. 


29 

Hence  the  payments  for  military  preparations  amount  to 
thirty-eight  per  cent,  of  the  current  expenses  of  the  kingdom. 

These  statements  involvre  several  unexpected  and  instruc- 
tive results.  It  seems  almost  incredible  that  the  civil 
expenses  of  Great  Britain  should  amount  to  only  four  and  a 
half  millions  of  pounds  ;  and  the  smallness  of  the  sum  cer- 
tainly indicates  great  economy  and  strict  accountability  in 
the  administration  of  the  government.  It  is  also  unexpected 
to  find  that  France  spends  for  civil  purposes  about  five  times 
as  much  as  Great  Britain,  while  her  payments  for  military 
preparations  slightly  exceed  those  of  the  other  power.  The 
explanation  of  these  facts  is  found  in  the  debt,  literally  the 
war  debt,  of  Great  Britain.  During  the  six  years  referred 
to,  the  average  payment  for  interest  on  this  debt  was 
£28,574,829,  a  sum  more  than  the  whole  civil  expenditure 
of  France,  and  six  times  that  of  Britain  herself.  If  to  this 
amount  of  interest  we  add  the  average  sum  paid  for  military 
purposes,  we  have  the  astonishing  sum  total  of  £41 ,289,1 18, 
yearly  paid  in  preparing  for  future  wars,  and  as  a  penance 
for  those  that  are  past.  Now  this  sum  forms  ninety  per 
cent,  of  the  whole  expenditure  of  the  United  Kingdom ! ! 
So  astounding  is  this  result,  that  we  can  scarcely  believe  the 
evidence  of  figures  themselves ;  and  would  fain  flatter  our- 
selves that  there  must  be  some  error  in  our  calculations, 
rather  than  admit  that  nine-tenths  of  all  the  burdens  imposed 
on  the  food,  the  industry,  the  comforts  and  enjoyments  of 
the  people  of  Great  Britain,  are  an  oblation  offered  on  the 
altar  of  war.  We  now  perceive  the  reason  of  the  very 
limited  expenditures  for  civil  purposes.  The  government 
has  little  or  no  money  to  spend,  except  for  objects  of 
absolute  necessity.  The  army,  navy  and  fortifications,  and 
the  interest  on  the  debt,  forbid  large  appropriations  for  inter- 
nal improvements,  and  for  the  purposes  of  education.  The 
revenue  of  France,  for  the  period  I  have  mentioned,  is  six  or 


:261" 


30 

seven  millions  less,  per  annum,  than  that  of  Great  Britain, 
but  the  interest  due  on  her  debt  is  comparatively  trifling, 
and  hence  it  is  that  her  civil  expenditures  so  greatly  exceed 
those  of  her  neighbor. 

These  terrific  statements  may  possibly  induce  some  who 
hear  me  to  congratulate  themselves  that  such  abuses  cannot 
exist  in  a  country  of  freedom  and  intelligence  like  our  own. 
Alas,  for  the  honor  of  our  republic,  the  payments  of  the 
Federal  government  for  military  preparations  bear  a  greater 
proportion  to  the  other  expenses  of  government,  than  in  any 
other  country  under  heaven.  This  is  a  bold  assertion,  but  it 
is  justified  by  facts. 

The  average  expenditures  of  the  government  for 
the  six  years  ending  with  1840,  exclusive  of 
payments  on  account  of  debt,  was         -  $26,474,892 

For  military  and  naval  purposes,  average  per 

year, 21,328,903 

Being  eighty  per  cent,  of  the  whole  amount !  * 
We  have  now  seen  that  the  cost  of  military  preparations, 
is   to   the  whole   expenditure   of  government,  exclusive    of 
payments  on  account  of  debt, 

In  Austria,  as  33  per  cent., 
In  France,  as  38  per  cent., 
In  Prussia,  as  44  per  cent., 
In  Great  Britain,  as  74  per  cent., 
In  the  United  States,  80  per  cent. ! 
And  let  it  be  remembered,  that  to  the  payments  of  the  Fed- 
eral government  is  to  be  added  the  cost,  by  the  States,  of 
arming  and  drilling  a  militia  of  a  million  and  a  half  of  men. 
Surely  it  is  time  for  Christians  and  patriots,  both  in  Europe 

*  It  is  true  that  a  portion  of  this  time  we  were  fighting  a  few  Semi- 
nole Indians  in  Florida.  If  we  take  the  six  years  ending  with  1836, 
the  ratio  is  seventy-seven  per  cent. — See  American  Almanac  for  1845, 
page  143. 


31 

and  America,  to  inquire  how  far  a  system  of  military  prepa- 
rations, which  imposes  such  onerous  burthens  on  human 
industry,  and  exacts  such  cruel  sacrifices  of  human  happi- 
ness, comfort  and  virtue,  is  really  essential  to  the  public 
welfare.  Be  it  the  part  of  peace  societies  to  facilitate  such 
an  inquiry,  by  spreading  before  the  community  well-authen- 
ticated facts,  and  dispassionate  arguments.  Let  us  address 
ourselves  to  the  consciences  and  to  the  understandings  of  our 
fellow-men.  We  have  much  to  encourage  us  in  our  labors, 
independent  of  the  conviction  that  we  are  seeking  only  the 
good  of  the  human  family. 

Christians  of  every  name  are  ready  to  unite  in  the 
anthem  of  the  angelic  host,  "  Glory  to  God  on  high ; "  but 
O  let  us  remember  that  our  praise  will  be  a  vain  oblation 
unless  we  can  also  join  in  the  prayer  of  the  same  heavenly 
visitants,  "  Peace  on  earth,  and  good-will  towards  men." 


W.  S.  Damrell,  Printer,  11  Cornhill,  Boston. 


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